The article explores the function of calendar indications in the Jewish apocryphon Joseph and Aseneth, in which the mention of dates has long prompted scholars to seek a specific historical calendar behind them – be it the solar 364-day calendar, the Essene calendar, or another. The author systematically examines the main calendrical hypotheses, revealing their internal contradictions and methodological vulnerabilities. A critical analysis demonstrates that any attempt to anchor the narrative’s chronology to a real calendrical system is doomed to fail, as it ignores the fundamental discrepancy between the ideal 364-day year and astronomical reality and also contradicts the narrative logic of the text.

Rejecting the search for literal correspondence, the article proposes a fundamentally different approach to understanding time in the apocryphon. By considering Joseph and Aseneth within the genre of a symbolic narrative, the author argues that its calendar is not a chronological tool, but a theological and narrative code. The temporal structure of the work is built upon a complex interaction of two symbolic chronological layers. The first, a Jewish layer, is connected to an alternative liturgical tradition and the festival of New Wine from the second book of Enoch. The second, an Egyptian layer, refers to phenomena key to the Egyptian worldview – the heliacal rising of Sirius and the inundation of the Nile. These two symbolic calendars do not merely coexist but interact dynamically, finding their resolution in the climactic moment of the heroine’s transformation. Thus, the sacred time of the narrative serves as an artistic embodiment of its central idea: through conversion and mystical marriage, a new creation is accomplished, in which the opposition between the chosen people and the pagan world is overcome.

This article is devoted to triumphal motifs in the representation of Claude de Lorraine, the first Duke of Guise (1496–1550). As a French subject who nevertheless maintained ties with the senior branch of the House of Lorraine, Claude de Guise combined in his public image the traditions adopted by the Dukes of Lorraine, supported by his father, Duke René II of Lorraine, and his brother, Duke Antoine II the Good, with the traditions of the French court, taking into account their changes at the beginning of the 16th century. First and foremost, this concerned triumphal motifs that allowed Claude de Guise to be presented as a fearless warrior and defender of the kingdom. Opposition to the ideas of the Reformation added Christian connotations to this image, making Claude de Guise a “defender of the faith.” In turn, he laid the foundations for a representation that would be continued by subsequent generations of the Dukes of Guise. The main sources for the iconography of Claude de Lorraine are fragments of reliefs from the duke’s tomb in Joinville, a structure designed by Francesco Primaticcio that has not survived. Two of them, “The Battle for the City” and “The Triumph of Claude de Lorraine,” are now part of the Louvre collection.

The article examines the history of the concepts “dushekhvat” and “dushekhvatstvo”, which were popular in Eastern European narratives from the 17^th to the early 20^th centuries written by the Orthodox, Uniate or Roman Catholic writers. Based on hagiographical, polemical, homiletical, historical, and publicist works, two issues are investigated. Firstly, the reasons why the denomination “dushekhvat” transformed from one person’s nickname into a general concept are examined. Secondly, using the methodology by the Cambridge school of the history of political thought, the functions of the concepts “dushekhvat” and “dushekhvatstvo” in different narratives are studied. According to the conclusions, the original designation “dushekhvat”, referring to the widespread in European culture of the 17^th century motive of “hunting” for souls. Initially, it was a nickname for the Uniate martyr Josaphat Kuntsevych, being used for emphasizing similarities between the saint and Christ with his apostles or the Devil with apostates. However, in the second half of the 19^th and early 20^th centuries the denominations “dushekhvat” and “dushekvatstvo” are generally used as concepts, sought to extrapolate the inherent content of the saint’s nickname to other individuals.

The article examines the attitude of V.D. Kudryavtsev-Platonov, a prominent Russian philosopher and theologian of the 19th century, toward the theory of evolution. It is shown that Kudryavtsev acknowledged the compatibility of evolutionism and the hypothesis of spontaneous generation of life with the idea of Divine providence. He also believed that the concept of world development makes it possible to reconcile the existence of evil with faith in the all-good Creator and to respond to criticisms of Christian anthropocentrism. Kudryavtsev was sympathetic to vitalism and advocated for the concept of a vital force, which, in his view, could serve as the foundation for a teleological understanding of evolution alternative to Darwinism. These views closely resemble the position of theistic evolutionists, who sought a compromise between the theory of evolution and the Christian worldview, while remaining critical of Darwin’s concept of natural selection. Nevertheless, despite this affinity with theistic evolutionism in several respects, Kudryavtsev never became a proponent of the doctrine of creation through evolution. For over twenty years, he continued to uphold the idea of multiple creations in the spirit of L. Agassiz. By “world development,” Kudryavtsev meant not evolution as the transformation of one species into another, but rather a sequence of divine interventions in Earth’s history aimed at creating living beings suited to the physical conditions of various geological epochs.

Аlexander, or Hieromonk Alexii, Vinogradov (1845–1919/20) is a unique figure within the world of Russian theology and Biblical Studies of late imperial Russia. He demonstrated the most radical appropriation of the methods and opinions of the English and American Biblical scholarship of the period. He was twice appointed as the member of the Russian Spiritual Mission in Peking (Beijing) and twice dismissed. The first return to Russia (1886) was most comfortable. His nominal place of appointment was Kiev, but he actually resided in St Petersburg and enjoyed the full freedom of scholarly study and publication of his works under protection of the Synod and even the Empress Aleksandra Feodorovna herself. Conditions of the second dismissal (1897) were radically different. He was sent to a provincial monastery with no possibility of successful publication for his manuscripts, almost in exile that he was never permitted to leave. One may ask whether that was a punishment, and if so, what sort of misconduct had been the reason. Was he, in fact, punished for his free Biblical Study? The present author studied the archives of the Synod (Russian State Historical Archive. Fund 796. Inventory 176. File 3547) and numerous documents from the personal archive fund of Vinogradov (Manuscripts Department of the Russian State Library. Fund 52) to prove that the monastery of Optina pustyn was indeed chosen in lieu of punishment for Vinogradov. However, it was not his scholarly opinion that effected this decision. The reasoning behind this appointment was much more mundane. It was the deep animosity and subsequent conflict between Vinogradov and the newly-appointed head of the Mission, archimandrite Innokentii (Figurovsky). Of all possible tactics of conduct Vinogradov had tragically chosen the worst and the most unacceptable for his superiors within the ecclesiastical and government apparatus. For Vinogradov it was a zugzwang that has eventually brought him into the position of a “psychiatrically unstable”, of and outcast, and into oblivion.

The article analyzes the evolution of relations between the Vatican and the People’s Republic of China from the second half of the twentieth century to the early twenty-first century in the context of the transformation of China’s state religious policy. It demonstrates that despite deep ideological and institutional contradictions, the two sides gradually moved from a logic of open confrontation toward the formation of a limited but negotiating framework. This shift began with the Reform and Opening period under Deng Xiaoping and was institutionalized through Document no. 19 and the 1982 Constitution of the PRC, which recognized religion as a social phenomenon to be managed rather than eliminated.

Special attention is paid to the institutionalization of dialogue in the 1980s – 1990s, the role of the Chinese Catholic Patriotic Association, and the emergence of the underground Church as a consequence of disputes over autonomy and episcopal appointments. The article examines party and state documents that defined the conditions of interaction with the Vatican, emphasizing political loyalty and rejection of foreign control.

The core analytical focus is on the concept of the “Sinicization of religion,” developed under Xi Jinping as a framework for adapting religious organizations to socialist society with Chinese characteristics. The article shows how this concept became the language of compromise and the basis for negotiations with the Holy See. In this context, the 2018 Provisional Agreement on the appointment of bishops is analyzed as both a breakthrough and a highly limited compromise.

Based on post-2018 practice, the author argues that relations have entered a stage of “managed conflict,” in which fundamental contradictions are not resolved but are incorporated into stable procedural interaction. The Vatican – China case thus illustrates the limits of religious universalism under conditions of strong state sovereignty and ideological control, as well as the Vatican’s capacity to adapt its diplomatic strategies to unfavorable political environments.

The article examines the transformation of the witch figure in the visual culture of the 21^st century, drawing on examples from the fashion industry and its associated screen representations. Within the context of a post-secular society, the image of the witch is reinterpreted as a self-reflexive archetype grounded in individual spirituality. Particular attention is paid to the process of canonization of the witch’s visual image on the runway, in which recurring iconographic elements – such as a dark color palette, magical and ritual attributes (the pointed hat, broom, and cauldron), bodily expressiveness, and references to astrological and tarot practices – form a recognizable fashion symbolism of witchcraft.

The theoretical framework of the study is based on Christopher Partridge’s concept of occulture, which allows the witch to be understood as a mediator between archaic layers of culture and the social and aesthetic demands of contemporary society. Methodologically, the article employs visual-semiotic analysis of runway imagery, comparative analysis of collections by leading international fashion designers, and analysis of cinematic representations of the witch.

The study demonstrates that fashion functions as a specific medium for the representation of occultural narratives, while the runway operates as a space of contemporary ritual in which magic is translated into a language of form. The figure of the New Witch in fashion of the 21^st century is interpreted as a universal symbol of transition, enabling the experience of spirituality outside institutional religious frameworks and marking a shift from «dark femininity» toward socially legitimized spirituality.